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Building Isaiah Berlin. Against The Current Isaiah Berlin. Enlightening: Letters - Isaiah Berlin. Russian Thinkers Isaiah Berlin. One must read both connections 1pathy and Tom Paine and Burke. This is the way to learn something. Because Berlin disliked reading people of roughly the On the face same views as himself, he enjoyed confronting and measuring his opinions them not as against those with whom he disagreed or who stood against his own liberal :ory of ideas beliefs and who could reveal the weak points in his own doctrine.

Although ith political Berlin was as anti-Communist as only a Russian who witnessed the Russian e. Yet, the author of The Communist Manifesto exercised only a marginal direct influence on Berlin; maintaining his distance from Marx, Berlin turned instead to Vico, Herder, Turgenev, and Herzen in his search for explanations of the important forces at work in the history of the twentieth century.

It may seem, then, all the more surprising that Berlin's first book was Karl Marx: His Life and Environment, originally published in the book has remained in print ever since; its fifth edition was published by Princeton I would hke to express my thanks to Joshua Chermss, Dan Cole, Henry Hardy,Jeffrey Isaac, Rafael Khachaturian, and Steven Smith for their comments on previous drafts of this chapter. See also the followmg statement from Berlm: "First of all, I couldn't help bemg affected by the existence of the Soviet Umon, I was never attracted by Marxism, nor by the Soviet regime. I did have memories of the Soviet regime, which were not happy There were a great many executions - there was a terror" CIB 9.

Aurelian Craiu University Press in J:- published in Marx's name also appeared in two interesting dialogu of Isaiah Berlin with Ramin Jahanbegloo and Steven Lukes that, taken together: offer an excellent introduction into his political thought. The main catalyst for writing the book on Marx seems to have b serendipity, since Berlin did not initially intend to write on him. It was Home University Library which commissioned him to do the book in after other, more prominent scholars had declined the offer. Yet, there was m likely another reason that motivated Berlin to undertake the study of an auth with whom he had, after all, few affinities.

Yet, sin the influence of Marxism was on the rise among many undergraduates a younger professors in Oxford and beyond, Berlin was convinced that a serio engagement with Marx's ideas could be profitable in order to test the validi and strength of his own liberal commitments. As Michael Ignatieff remarked, "the reading he between and provided Berlin with the intellectual capital on whi he was to depend for the entire of his life. He for himself to read Marx extensively, partly in German, partly in English ar:c.


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Yet, he still wanted to understand "what it was r 2 See Arie Dubnov's discussion of Berlin's relations with the Left in Oxford in the s Dub Therefore, IIX is the he immersed himself in the writings of the radical philosophes such as Helvetius Current and Holbach, and then turned to the utopian socialists Saint-Simon, Charles ientity in Fourrier, Robert Owen , before discovering G. Plekhanov, whose polemical tee of the and fearless style charmed him he went so far as to declare him a first-rate Marxism thinker! After ial Path" reading Marx, Berlin went back to French thinkers such as Proudhon, and ly on the forward to the Russian forerunners of the Revolution.

As he was researching nalism is his book, his most important discovery was Alexander Herzen, who, along with i Present Ivan Turgenev, became one of his intellectual heroes for the rest of his life. It was a fitting starting point to a long. To comprehend n author Marxism, Berlin believed, it was necessary to examine the context in which : some of the doctrine appeared and developed, something that he tried to do in his book. His subject was not the superhuman hero who appeared to some on the Left as the new Messiah, but rather a down-to earth, "poverty-stricken 5 Cherniss , IOO Aurelian Craiutu chief of a non-existing sect, burrowing away in the British Museum, author of works none too familiar to professional socialists, let alone to the educated public" SR 14 This man lived a great part of his life in obscurity in London, and was "by temperament a theorist and an intellectual [who] instinctively avoided direct contact with the masses" KM 2.

Moreover, belonging to the elite of those for whom theories and ideas are often more real than facts, Marx was not very introspective and took surprisingly little interest in real persons or states of mind or soul. His mind, as Berlin affirmed, was "unsentimental" but endowed with a profound sense of injustice and an acute sense of living in a hostile world, arguably intensified by his Jewish origin. Like other intellectuals, Marx was "haunted by a perpetual feeling of insecurity, and was morbidly thin- skinned and jealously suspicious of the least signs of antagonism to his person or his doctrines" KM His difficult character did not escape his friends or enemies, to whom Marx often appeared, in Bakunin's own words, as a fanatical authoritarian, "as intolerant and autocratic as Jehovah" KM ror.

His strong will and genius for simplification helped him remain to the end of his life a warrior engaged in a holy war against the bourgeoisie and endowed with a sacred mission: defeating the enemy. As a result, Berlin noted KM 8 , Marx behaved like "a commander, actually engaged in a campaign, who therefore does not continually call upon himself and others to show reason for engaging in a war at all, or for being on one side of it rather than the other. The fact that Berlin examined Marx's intellectual and political achievement first and foremost through the lenses of the latter's personal style and proclivities did not mean that he paid no attention to ideas.

In fact, Berlin did take the latter seriously into account, even if he never properly managed to grasp Marx's economic ideas. As such, Berlin's 6 This may be an unfair characterization since Marx was very involved in the organization of the First International. It was not only Keynes who found himself physically unable to plod through Das Kapital; and if Lenin had not radically altered our world, I doubt whether his works would be as minutely studied as they necessarily are" POI Even if many of Marx's ideas may!

Berlin singled out Marx's single-mindedness, which he regarded as both KM a virtue and a limitation. Marx's success and appeal owed a lot to the fact that he saw the world in stark Manichaean terms, black-and-white contrasts, friends l task and enemies. He began with an examination of the role played by ideas and lane's theories in Marx's works. It owed a great deal to Hegel, who had if he previously sought to highlight a discernable pattern and intelligible goal in :rlin's history.

Also worth noting 1s Berlin's somewhat surpnsmg claim that the most ongmal and mfluent1al contribution of Marx was "the celebrated doctrine of the umty of theory and practice" SR 15 3. He believed that rational individuals could understand the laws and factors at work in society if they di not let themselves become deluded by ideologies. The resul of all this, as Berlin noted, was to split mankind forever into two worlds engage in a ruthless war against each other and incapable of reaching a compromise.

Second, Berlin attributed Marx's success to his successful identification of the interests of a particular class the proletariat with the interests of the emir mankind. This dichotomy between the forward-looking proletariat and the backward-looking bourgeoisie served to identify the agent of progress and i enemy that, according to Marx's later followers, had to be vanquished an exterminated because it represented the reactionary class.

It also led Marx to claim that the engine of history has always been and will continue to be cla struggle, for which no one is responsible other than the unfair division of labor in modern society. In his later writings on Marx, I 2 Berlin argued that Marx's idealization of the proletariat was itself "the idealized image of a man craving to identify himseli with a favoured group of men who do not suffer from his particular wounds- AC On this reading, what made Marx identify himself with the proletariat was his personal "need to find [his] proper place, to establish a personal identity" AC It was an attempt on his part, after havi n been cut off from his original establishment the Jewish community , to replant himself "in some new and no less secure and nourishing soil" AC , to find "firmer moorings," even if he had to reinvent himself and work with a stylized image of the proletariat.

It is fair to say that this psychological reading of Marx was a more prominen feature of Berlin's later analysis of Marx and did not feature extensively in hi book or in his discussions of Marx in the early postwar period. Marxism, Berlin pointed out SR , managed to tension, and liberate its adherents from the old The resulr stitutions, bureaucracies, factories, armies, political parties were at once vorlds engaged cause and a symptom,. In particular, Marx highlighted ey represented and commented upon "the concentration and centralization of control of cbe proletariat anomic resources; the increasing incompatibility between Big Business itire mankind.

No one else perceived as sharply as he did the magnitude and consequences of these historical transformations that changed Jization of the e face of Europe over the span of several decades. Marx formulated a simple agenda and set clear goals e prominenr "with specific indications of the type of action to which they were meant to siveJy in hi lea d " SR Thus, with the substantial help provided by Engels, Marx. A few years later, after visiting the Soviet Union, Berlin explicitly referred to Marxism as "a school of religion" F whose rituals, even if they did not mean much to individuals any longer, were nonetheless mandatory and could not be easily abolished or abandoned at will.

In this regard, it mattered a great deal that Marx took a long-term revolutionary perspective that sought to change the entire organization of the capitalist world; he refused to create an organization only to purse short- term reformist ends. Aspiring to unleash a worldwide revolution, he paid a lot of attention to training the proper cadres for it, entirely dedicated to their noble cause, by giving them a clear consciousness of their soteriological mission, power, and role in history.

Not surprisingly, Berlin wrote, Marx was "a man of war" entirely committed to creating "an organisation with a clear and intransigent doctrine" SR , He deftly exploited the advantages derived from identifying a specific enemy the bourgeoisie and savior the proletariat , and drawing a clear distinction between the forces of evil darkness and good light. It was this organization for a ruthless struggle between classes and the promise of a happy ending that energized the masses and elicited unbound enthusiasm from Marx's followers - above all, Lenin.

In Berlin's view, even if many of Marx's ideas were not original - as already noted, he freely borrowed themes from thinkers as diverse as Hegel, Stimer, Ricardo, Sismondi, Guizot, Feuerbach, and Saint-Simon - he had the genius of synthesis, aided by his notorious single-mindedness in the pursuit of a sacred goal to which he was prepared to sacrifice anything. Because he lacked eclecticism and intellectual flexibility - traits that incline one toward moderation - Marx's views and analyses of contemporary society were bold and uncompromising; he never felt compelled to justify his opposition to the bourgeoisie, nor was he interested in assessing the merits or defects of the latter.

Instead, he simply took for granted that he and the proletariat were on the right side of history. Marx's views were at all times clear cut and deduced from premises which, Berlin remarked, admitted no ambiguity in their conclusions. The consciousness of being a warrior and his belief in the scientific laws of history explain the almost complete absence from Das Kapital of "explicit moral argument, of appeals to conscience or to principle, and the equally striking absence of detailed prediction of what will or should happen after the victory" KM 8.

The declared priority was winning the class struggle against the bourgeoisie, a point on which Marx differed in both focus and intensity from other democratic reformers and utopian socialists, whom he disparaged and attacked constantly. Although he described Das Kapital as "an original amalgam of economic theory, history, sociology, and propaganda hich fits none of the accepted categories" KM , Berlin viewed The Communist Manifesto as "the greatest of all socialist pamphlets Berlin also regarded The German Ideology as "philosophically far more interesting than any other ork by Marx," and thought that it represented "a submerged, but a most cial and original stage of his thought" KM In Berlin's view, the main appeal of Marx's synthesis comes from the fact that, contrary to its avowed.

This is far from being an insignificant detail. Because Marxist theories of iety, history, and revolution are not falsifiable in the proper sense of the ;. As such, Marxism offered a total system and plan of action and life that -gave the workers a concrete programme, and more than this, a total 'eltanschauung, a morality, a metaphysics, a social doctrine" SR aimed at wrestling political power away from the enemy and directing it to dvance its own interests and needs.

The promise and prospect of "a complete. Marxism was based on Promethean belief that once the right class is in power, all human problems "ll somehow be miraculously solved, after a period of transition led by the anguard party and marked by the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Isaiah Berlin Memorial Lecture 2013: John Gray, British political philosopher

This proved be a costly illusion once the proletariat won power in Russia, and the arisma of the Revolution of disappeared soon afterwards, only to be replaced by the ruthless dictatorship of "the vanguard of the proletariat" under Lenin and Stalin's leadership. To begin, Marx did not possess the qualities of a great popular leader or agitator, and he lacked eloquence, psychological insight, and emotional receptiveness.

Uninterested in the character of persons outside his immediate range, he had a hard time socializing and entering into personal relationships. Engels was his only close friend, apart from his own family. Second, in Berlin's view Marx was a false prophet who suffered from an acute and unjustifiable form of metaphysical optimism.

He was equally wrong about the timing, causes, results, and economic effects of political revolutions. Perhaps more importantly in Berlin's view, Marx failed to understand the force and appeal of nationalism and religion, which subsequently proved to be much stronger than the power of socialism. Marx's exclusive focu s on the emergence of classes and class war led him to mistakenly believe that nationalism and religion are mere temporary and reactionary phenomena that would be superseded in the future society once the proletariat takes the reins of power.

Committed to the cause of internationalism, and believing that workers in all countries should unite, Marx took no interest in nations and questions of national identity. He saw mankind in black-and-white terms, divided into exploited workers led by a vanguard of the proletariat on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the capitalists and their allies holding on to the means of production. The belief that nationalism was a reactionary bourgeois ideology was tantamount to the belief that it was doomed.

Finally, Marx did not take seriously into account non-Western cultures and had a dismissive attitude toward them displaying a curious form of Orientalism avant la lettre. It was probably this contemptuous stance of the founder of Marxism toward nationalism that made Marx's followers blind to the fact that in many regions around the globe, usually located in the periphery of the "civilized" world, nationalism often had an 4 ' See CIB Isaiah Berlin on Marx and Marxism emancipatory and progressive dimension that also furthered to some extent the cause of the working class.

He der or disliked and dismissed anyone who did not completely accept every word he lOtiona: 16 unered; not surprisingly, he never admitted any valid criticism of his mistakes. For example, he regarded Bakunin as "half redicree arlatan, half madman" KM roo , distrusted and envied Lasalle's and the outstanding organizational skills, and accused Proudhon of "intellectual " to the 1D1morality" KM ro8. Marx also found surprisingly few supporters among! The idea that no compromise failed to was possible with one's opponents became a major tenet of most forms of :quendy A.

For him, gradualism and moderation were the most 1urgeo1S dangerous of all heresies because they presented a distorted view of reality Engel and failed to perceive the enemy for what he really was - that is, a class destined to be eliminated forever from the scene of history. S wi Consequently, Berlin affirmed, Marx chose to stick to an apocalyptic vision , rather of capitalism which other socialist thinkers such as Eduard Bernstein did not D grasp embrace.

Because est an Marx underestimated the value of gradualist approaches, his theory did not 1ly into have any room for progressive social policies and concessions to labor unions I them. Between The Communist Manifesto and Bernstein's Evolutionary Socialism there were not only major differences in tone and focus. The core message of Bernstein's book, aimed at justifying the possibility of a gradual transformation of capitalism in tandem with the more progressive members of the bourgeoisie, fundamentally differed from the revolutionary radicalism of Marx, which confidently proclaimed that capitalism was simply doomed by the laws of history.

They have to do with the core of his political vision based on his unflinching commitment to pluralism and freedom, and his principled opposition to monism, determinism, and all forms of Procrusteanism. In the eyes of someone like Berlin, who believed in the possibility of rational argument among individuals of different philosophical outlooks and political persuasions, Marx's historicist and revolutionary doctrine had to appear alien, to say the least.

Once class consciousness becomes dominant and takes center stage, it is no longer possible for people to believe in timeless ideas and see the world through the eyes of those who belong to a different class, nation, or religion. Berlin could have never become a Marxist or a communist because he was aware that people share several important things in common, in spite of the existence of significant differences between their values, principles, and interests.

This idea was "a terrible new weapon " SR that justified violence and terror "on a scale hitherto attained only by fanatical religious movements" SR Moreover, a liberal thinker such as Berlin, who admired the Kantian idea of human dignity and human rights, could find little common ground with someone like Marx, who was a notorious critic of the concept of individual rights.

The latter notion rests on the assumption that there are certain values and goods that all human beings share beyond their class membership and religious and national identities. Marx consistently denied this claim. Also see CIB Berlin tended to dismiss such claims when he didn't ignore a gradual diem completely. To the extent to which understanding Marx amounts embers of first and foremost to making sense of his attempt in Das Kapital to icalism of provide an allegedly scientific basis for his theory of the inevitable 1ed by the collapse of capitalism, it might be said that Berlin probably missed his target to a certain degree.

Nor is it clear what position he took in the longstanding debate on the young versus the old Marx, and whether or not the young Marx should receive priority over the more mature thinker. One might argue that Berlin's book gave more weight to the early Marx word, for than had been the case in the English-language scholarship up to the sedonhis moment when he wrote his book. As such, Berlin's study of Marx and Jrincipled Marxism may be seen as occupying - both chronologically and substantively - a space between an older, more positivist reading of Marx, ,f rational and the Hegelian-Idealist interpretation made possible by the rediscovery I political and publication of Marx's early works, and encouraged by the Western tear alien, Marxists' desire to save the founder's ideas from the subsequent violent Jf a set of excesses of Lenin and his overzealous disciples.

Moreover, at times, such as allow for when he discussed monism and the idea of a perfect society, Berlin presented racial, or some of the ideas of Marx in such a way that the whole conceptual frame md takes curiously resembled his own much more than Marx's. What cannot be as and see denied, however, is the seriousness with which Berlin treated his subject, iation, or or the measured respect he showed to Marx's ideas as well as to the ideas of other Marxist thinkers such as Plekhanov.

Aware that powerful ideas have ie he was major consequences, Berlin pleaded for "a sharply critical approach" to ire of the doctrines which were "swallowed whole by the fanatical Marxist sectaries" Jles, and E Bel'lin's famous visit to the Soviet Union in in values strengthened his skepticism toward Marxism and his loathing of ship and ix I commented on Berlin's anticommunism m connection with his pohtical moderation m Cramtu , Among them, Berlin mentioned his belief that cooperation is possible among classes and class struggle was not inevitable, and the idea that "such concepts as truth, goodness, justice, kindness, compromise etc.

Although Berlin refused to play the role of a propagandist, his writings on Marx and Marxism must be seen as an exercise in intellectual history written by someone who was to become a major representative of Cold War liberalism. Furthermore, Berlin's longstanding interest in ideas and his belief in their power put him at odds with Marx, the defender of historical materialism who believed that the mental and religious life of individuals is entirely determined by the material conditions of the societies in which they live.

On Marx's account, the dominant factors in any society are not ideas, but the struggle for survival and for satisfaction of basic needs. Moreover, as already mentioned, he did not believe in the existence of universal, timeless truths about individuals and societies in general. Ideas, Marx famously argued, always follow and reflect the changing material needs of society; hence, he believed that it would be an error to refer to timeless ideas.

Pace Marx, Berlin refused to admit that ideas are mere epiphenomena dependent on their social and political contexts. He argued instead that it is people's ideas, along with their emotions, hopes, and fears, that influence moral codes, political priorities, economic structures, and modes of behavior. Ambitious ideas regarding the best form of government and the good life generate powerful controversies on what is just, right, possible, and desirable.

These ideas and ideologies, Berlin insisted, are never mere reflections of the material conditions in which people live; they originate in people's hearts and minds, as personal expressions of their own views, values, aspirations, and principles. A caveat might be in order here. Berlin was no na'ive idealist, to be sure; while he rejected Marxian materialist reductionism, he also stressed that ideas reflect political, cultural, and economic conditions, even as ,, For an excellent example of Berlin's views on Stalinism, see the article that he wrote under the pseudonym 0.

Berlin's letters from that period are also worth rereading in this context the y are collected in F and E. Of particular interest is the letter Berlin sent to Angus Malcolm on February 20, F in which he compared the atmosphere in the Soviet Union to that of a severe type of English public school. His intellectual system, Berlin argued, was a "closed one,!

This helps explain, in Berlin's nd reflect opinion, the illiberal and dangerous side of Marxism as illustrated by the llid be an doctrine of the necessary dictatorship of the proletariat and the required ideas are intransigence toward dissenters. This doctrine affirms that the ends justify le argued rhe means and encourages people to judge reality based on what theory says! This is, in Berlin's view POI nodes of , a corollary of the unbridled monism at the heart of the Marxist the good doctrine that paves the way to extremism and fanaticism; it is also what ble, and Marxism has in common with some of the great dogmatic Churches of the er mere world" SR But it is not limited to Lenin's case, to be sure.

It can be found llo narve wherever and whenever truth is regarded as the authority of one privileged ,he also group over all others, as something that can be discovered only by an elite even a whose authority may not be challenged by the laymen. In reality, Berlin affirmed, truth is something that no individual can ever fully possess, and it is never the monopoly of any single group; it can be approximated or under the intimated only through conjectures and refutations.

This is both empirically and theoretically impossible. See Berlin's critique of monism and his endorsement of pluralism in POI , r II2 Aurelian Craiutu Third, Berlin could not have been a Marxist because he was deeply skeptical toward any form of historical determinism POI 2 5 which affirms that history obeys inexorable and necessary laws from which there is no escape for individuals: "to think that there exists the pattern, the basic rhythm of history..

Certainly it is to commit oneself to the view that the notion of individual responsibility is, 'in the end', an illusion" L ro As a deterministic doctrine, Marxism fosters the erosion of the notion of individual choice and may lead people to believe that they are not responsible for their own actions. History - Berlin liked to repeat a sentence of one of his favorite author Herzen - has no predetermined libretto or endpoint; it is and will always remain unpredictable and open-ended.

Although of course there are great impersonal factors which determine the shapes of the lives of individuals and nations, I see no reason to see history as an autobahn from which major deviations cannot occur" CIB Fourth, Berlin's interest in diversity and his commitment to the idea that values and human goals are plural, incommensurable, in rivalry with one another, and sometimes incompatible made him implacably opposed to Marxism, which flatly rejects these ideas. Berlin claimed that there is an implicit antiliberal and antipluralist bias in Marxism which has always sided with homogeneity and unity against diversity, pluralism, disagreement, competition, and strife among values.

Berlin saw Marx as continuing the tradition of thought initiated by Plato, and continued by Spinoza, Helvetius, Rousseau, and Fichte whose theories of static perfection affirmed the possibility of suppressing all conflicts in society once and forever. Pluralism, Berlin claimed, is more faithful to the complex nature of the human condition than determinism because it respects human creativity, diversity, spontaneity, conflict, and luck. Moreover, it is a safer political principle because it provides guarantees for disagreement and dissent and shows that the search for mora l certainty is illusory in an ever-changing, imperfect, and uncertain world.

Trade- offs between our values and priorities are always necessary and unavoidable if we are to prevent tragic situations and avoid inflicting suffering upon other individuals. Furthermore, there is a fifth reason why Berlin could have never been a Marxist: his conception of freedom was significantly different from Marx's. The latter, Berlin believed, amounted to a great perversion of the ideal of freedom by giving "unlimited power to any person or body which feels itself in possession of the right rule for the government of men" PIRA Marxism failed to treat people as ends in themselves, or paid lip service to Kant's famou s principle; thus, it justified denying individuals the right to deliberately and freely choose their own path in life PIRA It was Marxism that proclaimed that select terministic members of the vanguard must be allowed to begin their work of building :hoice and a perfect world free of the sins of the past and that there should be no limit to m actions.

No sacrifice will be seen as too costly, no human life te authors will be seen as too precious in the pursuit of such an ideal. Gas chambers, labor rill always mps, induced famine, show trials, civil wars, and genocides could all be 1ot believe justified in the name of distant goals and ends, or in light of emergency believe in circumstances that require exceptions to the rule.

Once the eggs are broken ta! Herzen was, in Berlin's own words POI , "the rarest of 1ossibility haracters, a revolutionary without fanaticism, a man ready for violent change, n, Berlin never in the name of abstract principles, but only of actual misery and tion than injustice. It was Herzen's refusal to admit 'o r moral chat one has the sacred duty to sacrifice oneself upon the altar of a greater cause, d. Distant ends 11er been onfidently proclaimed by the prophets of a bright future are particularly Marx's. Berlin shared Herzen's skepticism toward all theories that minimize :els itself che role of individuals, tend to limit their freedom and repress their desire for vlarxism elf-expression and capacity for choice.

For that reason alone, he could have 1 famous never been an orthodox Marxist, as some of his colleagues on the Left turned nd freely out to be. Much like Berlin, they took Marx's ideas very seriously and carefully studied them before finally coming out against them. No one who is seriously interested in Marx today can afford to ignore their seminal exegeses. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Aron is probably a better guide than Berlin when it comes to Marx' economic and social thought, while Kolakowski, the author of Main Currents of Marxism, is a more comprehensive guide on Marxism's complex intellectual sources and branches.

What is really interesting to note is that these interpreter of Marx, who produced three major studies of Marxism, believed in political moderation while being anticommunists, each in his own personal way, but without ever becoming fanatical in their commitments. While he denounced in unequivocal terms the cynicism, high costs, and moral corruption brought about by the Soviet regime, Berlin firmly refused the posture of a propagandist in the ideological battle against the Soviet Union and its satellites.

At the same time, he lacked the fervent zeal of those who saw themselves engaged in an all-or-nothing crusade against communism 33 and refused to accept that the answer to communism was a counter faith, equally fervent and militant. There was, he warned his anticommunist friends, no point in defeating their side, "if our beliefs at the end of the war are simply the inverse of theirs, just as irrational, despotic, etc. He felt compelled to try a different path. Rather it is the opposite - less Messianic ardour, more : overlapped to enlightened skepticism, more tolerat10n of idiosyncrasies, more frequent ad hoc 2er prominent measures to achieve aims in a foreseeable future, more room for the attainment of ich like Berlin; their personal ends by individuals and by minorities whose tastes and beliefs find n before finally whether rightly or wrongly must not matter little response among the majority.

The age, he Lrizing Berlin's believed, did not need more political radicalism; in reality, it called instead for estions among more political moderation, a virtue for courageous minds which requires 1uivocal terms prudence and judgment far more than enthusiasm and passion. Marx believed instead that we should uncritically embrace a single b.

That was supposed to be the only window which could talism which give us a full and undistorted view of the real world. Berlin begged to disagree. It is no accident that in his moving message for his twenty-first espotic, etc. Frequently cited collections of tSt without Berlin's work are cited parenthetically in-text by abbreviations, which are given at the 1e properly beginning of the volume. A catalogue of the papers, by Michael g it because J. Hughes, is available online at www. Citation is by shelfmarks and folios, e. The catalogues are also available, with pture that smart search options, in Isaiah Berlin Online, the website of the Isaiah Berlin Literary great.

Collected Writings and Correspondence Berlin, Isaiah. Liberty, ed. Flourishing: Letters II, ed. Russian Thinkers, ed. Henry Hardy and Aileen Kelly, 2nd edn. Enlightening: Letters II, ed. Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy, 2nd edn.

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The Book of Isaiah: Personal Impressions of Isaiah Berlin

Concepts and Categories: Philosophical Essays, ed. Henry Hardy, rnd edn. Karl Marx, 5th edn. The Power of Ideas, ed. The Roots of Romanticism, ed. Henry Hardy, 3rd edn. Affirming: Letters II, ed. Washington: Brookings Institution Press. Miscellaneous Publications l 9 5oa.

Carr , Listener 6 5, , mry Hard Carr's Big Battalions," New Statesman 63, Jerusalem Jerusalem: Hebrew University. July 27, II Adcock, Robert and Bevir, Mark. Adcock, M. Bevir, pphers, 2Il and S. Stimson Princeton: Princeton University Press. The Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. Akehurst, Thomas L. Albert, Simon.

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Allen, Jonathan Be Anderson, Perry. Annan, Noel. Hugh Lloyd-Jones London: Duckworth. Be Appiah, Kwame Anthony. Arendt, Hannah. Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy, ed. Arneson, Richard.

Dryzek, B. Honig, and A. Phillips Oxford: Oxford University Press. B Aron, Raymond. The Opium of the Intellectuals, trans. Terrence Kilmartin, ed. Daniel J. Austin, J.

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Sense and Sensibilia Oxford: Clarendon Press. Avineri, Shlomo. Ayer, A. Language, Truth, and Logic London: Gollancz. Bambach, Charles R. Bauman, Zygmunt. Beiser, Frederick C. Bell, Daniel. House of Commons. Official Report. Bevir, Mark. Bevir, Mark and O'Brien, David. Memories London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Isaiah Berlin.

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